Neue Wege, a Swiss journal, recently invited me to write a short contribution on the political situation in the United States. What follows is my interpretation of the lay of the land, initially written for Europeans but in a slightly expanded form also of interest to US observers, as it simplifies things a bit and introduces a perspective that is often missing in the United States itself. In the last paragraph, I make it clear what is at stake for American voters.
When viewed from the outside, the political situation in the USA is surprisingly simple: There are only two political parties in Congress, the Republican Party and the Democratic Party. But this unusual situation contributes to the fact that the positions within these parties are very far apart.
The Republican camp includes conservative values such as, on the one hand, support for the heterosexual nuclear family as the only correct way of life, the ban on abortion, religious issues such as observance of the Ten Commandments, connected with nationalism and patriotism, and, on the other hand, extreme economic liberalism and support of almost total freedom for global elites. The Democrats range from liberal concerns such as the emphasis on individual freedom and religious, cross-racial, and sexual tolerance on the one hand, to progressive concerns such as the active support of workers, immigrants, and minorities on the other.
Focal points emerge, especially in election years. In the Republican Party, this is currently expressed in an enormous shift to the right, linked to presidential candidate Donald Trump. Since Trump’s first election victory in 2016, this shift to the right has become the trademark of the Republican Party, in contrast to the Democratic Party’s emphasis on liberal identity politics which arguably contributed to Hillary Clinton’s narrow election defeat in 2016 because it erased even the most rudimentary class consciousness.
After the victory of President Joe Biden over Donald Trump in 2020, the cards are now being reshuffled for 2024, especially since Kamala Harris took over from Biden as presidential candidate in July 2024.
Two topics are particularly noteworthy in this context: Trump and his entourage are betting on a further shift to the right in the country. This is expressed in “Project 2025,” which aims to concentrate more power in the hands of the president. Although Trump has publicly distanced himself from this project, his close connections to the authors and topics are undeniable. Vice presidential candidate J.D. Vance embodies the extreme character of this project when he denounces single women, non-heterosexual people, minorities and immigrants as the main problems of the present. Attempts that are typical for election years to win over undecided voters in the swing states with more moderate issues seem to be largely ignored by Trump and Vance, except Trump occasionally going back and forth on abortion issues and trying to keep a distance from Project 2025, and Vance’s efforts to falsely claim popular programs like Obamacare for Trump, as happened during the vice-presidential debate.
On the other hand, Kamala Harris and vice-presidential candidate Tim Walz seem to understand that victory cannot be won with the traditional liberal issues alone. Without abandoning liberal identity politics, the two now seem to be focusing more on the working population. White workers, who felt betrayed by liberal identity interests that are often hostile to any form of class analysis, contributed to increased support for Trump in the swing states in 2016, which was enough for a narrow victory.
One key question is whether the shift to the right can prevail. In hindsight, it has done more harm than good to the Republican Party since the presidential election in 2016. Predicted “red tsunamis” have failed to materialize, and Trump lost the 2020 presidential election. Pushback is rising even from within the ranks of the Republican Party, as various caucuses have announced that they would support Harris and Walz over Trump in the November election, including prominent Republican politicians such as Dick and Liz Cheney.
Particularly interesting in this context are two developments that both introduce a critique of capitalism that is largely lacking in both political parties.
First, many American labor unions are increasingly rediscovering their progressive voice and are gaining new members, supported by growing concern for racial, ethnic, sexual, and gender diversity. This is changing the political dynamic even in the conservative South of the United States. Here, new solidarities are developing that bring the class question back into play in new and exciting ways and that have the potential to move the masses and wake some long-serving unionists from their slumbers.
Second, religion plays a more complex role than is often assumed. Since Trump came to power in 2016 with substantial help from conservative evangelicalism, many people have distanced themselves from evangelical Christianity and continue to do so. They are now frequently referred to as “ex-vangelicals.” There are also often-overlooked progressive religious circles in the United States that have a certain influence and some are being strengthened by new projects that are linked to workers’ movements (see, for example, the work of the Wendland-Cook Program in Religion and Justice at Vanderbilt, www.religionandjustice.org, and Clergy and Laity United for Economic Justice www.cluejustice.org).
These two developments in labor and religion would be misunderstood if they were seen primarily as matters of party politics. The opposite is the case: Their primary focus is not the support of specific politicians and parties but the well-being of the highly diverse working majority, including the “essential workers” which contributed so much to the history and the present of the United States. In the process, they are committed to holding to the fire the feet of any politician and party that seeks to shift the tables from the many to the few. But they are also clear about past track records and current performances of specific politicians and parties that do not have to be afraid of fact checking, and many will vote accordingly.
Joerg Rierger is Distinguished Professor of Theology and the Cal Turner Chancellor’s Chair of Wesleyan Studies. He is also the founding director of the Wendland-Cook Program in Religion and Justice.
Original black and white negative by Marion S. Trikosko. Taken November 3rd, 1964, Washington D.C, United States (@libraryofcongress). Colorized by Jordan J. Lloyd. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2003688167/
